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Part of the public purse was dedicated to this, implying a rebalancing between the different public budgets and a drastic reduction in financing in some areas, including the museum sector, and involving some institutions that depend more or less directly on public subsidies. To understand the impact of these cuts on ethnographic museums, however, the current situation of these museums must be taken into account, together with the recent evolution of these types of institutions in Europe.

Understanding the peculiarities of the current panorama allows us to understand, in a novel way, the impact on these institutions resulting from budget cuts. These first museums, which is also true to a lesser extent of certain small museums created at the same time outside the big cities, shaped many European ethnographic museums.

Since that time, however, this panorama has been constantly revised, expanded, dissolved, and reorganised in line with societal evolution and the view of traditional society. It was then that the. In this way, at the end of World War II, these folklorist institutions experienced their first transformations along with the development of ethnology. In some places, like France, this change in perspective appeared as a.

This article addresses the musealisation of ethnographic collections from a European perspective. First, it tries to define the dynamics of renewing the displays of these collections according to the interests of each time period and the development of anthropology. In Catalonia and in Spain, in general, the relationship between museums and ethnography was different.

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While anthropology as a discipline was consolidated in the rest of Europe, the peculiarities of local political history led to the development of a folkloric and stereotyped representation of the peoples of. Consequently, during the Franco dictatorship only a few attempts were made at anthropological musealisation.

In this context, the rupture between folklorist and ethnographic approaches would be more acute and occur later than in the rest of Europe. Indeed, it was a consequence of the professionalization of anthropology, in the democratic era, which took place away from the museum setting.


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Anthropologists distanced themselves from. In parallel to this, new institutions were created throughout Europe from the s and s onwards. In Quebec, many ethnological museums were created like this, in order to highlight popular culture, one of the fundaments of the nationalist discourse in the s and s Bergeron, In the rest of the peninsula, the consolidation of the Spanish autonomous communities led to local governments and associations enhanc-.

During the s, many museums like those of Aquitaine, Alsace , and Brittany, were renovated with the aim of showcasing the regional characteristics of traditional societies. Part of this movement includes very small museums that, in most cases, employ less than ten people, and which are often managed privately or by associations.

Ultimately, these institutions focus on issues outside academic disciplines like school or transport , and present their collections through their own museology.


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In the eyes of the great museologist Kenneth Hudson , this gives them a special charm. While they are a very important part of the European museum landscape, these museums have been studied very little. In other places, like France, it is not even known how many of these collections exist. In fact, as most are not recognised as being a. In France, a Regional Natural Park RNP is a region that voluntarily choses a development model based on recognising the value of natural and cultural heritage, considered as rich and fragile, and protecting this.

Unlike a national park, a nature reserve, or protected site, a RNP has no regulatory power. The museums of society model. From the first decade of the new century right up to the present day, these identity museums have been questioned, in turn, as part of the new reflections on globalisation, represented in the social sciences by the publications of Ulf Hannerz, Zygmunt Bauman, and Arjun Appadurai, among others.

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Expanding the. This opens up a new avenue that moves away from the logic of research, previously prevalent in ethnographic museums, where the objective was to transmit knowledge through the exhibition of objects. The main consequence of this inverted perspective is the museums developing a profound interest in their audience, understanding their motivations for visiting, and what they understand from the content offered by the institution Eidelman, Roustan and Goldstein, Many museums are influenced by this new model, adapting their main features.

The approach to renewing these institutions contrasted to that which had previously prevailed in ethnography museums and ecomuseums Hubert, This logic was also applied at a local level, through the integration of new themes in museums, sometimes giving a new boost to research. New dialogues were also established between historical ethnographic collections and contemporary creations on topics like sustainable development, population movements, the collective imagination of regions, local products, and so on. Within these cyclical changes in the musealisation of ethnographic collections, the development of museums of society was also influenced by a new concept of the museum linked to their evolution together with the development of an economic and political system.

The development of educational activities in museum and heritage management illustrates this professionalization, something that has led to museum staff progressively becoming administrators or public relations experts Dupaigne and Gutwirth, This new concept of the museum, and of the world of heritage in general, has been interpreted as a result of private influence in these institutions, particularly from the business world.

It is conceptually insepara-. Some now include commercial areas for local crafts within their walls, while others are designed around products from the terroir, legitimising, from a heritage point of view, a local market aimed primarily at tourists5. In view of these developments, it should be noted that not all institutions have integrated these characteristics in the same way. However, during this transformation process, some museums may have lost their quality of specificity. This was, for example, the case of the ecomuseums that at the beginning of the s found themselves confronting profound changes due to the influx of a new generation of professionals.

While, according to Serge Chaumier , they were often set up by self-taught individ-.

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In fact, new measures for collections conservation and management of collections have been established, while mediation standards, visit types, and exhibitions are being developed based on the new criteria established by the museums of society and university models. Other entities also radically transformed their institutional policies, becoming, for example, interpretation centres or tourist information centres for the region. Some museums, however, have had enormous difficulties adapting to this new model, in particular some of the institutions we consider part of the micromuseology trend.

These are exhibited in museum spaces, and the reserve collection is seen as secondary. These institutions have not developed the idea of collaboration with other museums either.